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The Big Scary Thing
Sometimes there really is something under the bed
When Treasury Secretary Paulson appeared before leaders of Congress on
Wednesday and told them, “[W]e’re literally maybe days away from a complete
meltdown of our financial system, with all the implications here at home and
globally,” Congressional leaders took note. Well, there is an old saying that
goes, “Being executed at dawn has a way of focusing the attention wonderfully.”
It was the kind of language about the economy that you normally find only on
websites that claim the United States (usually spelled “united States”) really
died in 1913, or 1934, or maybe it was the Bank Nullification Act in
1820something. Whole country never amounted to anything after that, you know.
The last time it could be used in earnest was 1933, when FDR told everyone to
stop fearing fear. (In one of those little oddities that reality always uses to
trump fiction, a study came out the day Paulson was speaking to Congress
asserting that conservatives were more easily frightened than liberals.)
Certainly, it was nothing more than his serene confidence and the jaunty
cigarette holder that prevented the nation from utter collapse over the next 100
days while Congress worked out what to do about the Great Depression.
Now, we’ve got John McCain, channeling Herbert Hoover and Robert Mellon and
assuring us that business conditions are fundamentally sound. And we’ve got
Putsch, stammering into the camera that the economy is really challenging, and
we’re all going to have to work hard.
And Congress and the admin promise to get right on it, and use at least $700
billion to buy up all the bad mortgages and save the entire banking system.
Based on that, the banksters all gave a loud whoop and a holler, and the Dow
jumped 870 points in two days. I didn’t actually SEE CEO’s out on Wall Street
doing a Rockettes gig while singing “Happy Days Are Here Again!” but I could
easily imagine it.
According to the hysterically relieved movers and shakers, we’ve just had our
“We Have Nothing to Fear” moment, the instant of deepest crisis has passed, and
we can start putting everything back to where it was a year ago.
The problem is that when that moment arrived in 1933, it came with a brand new
president, a brand new Congress, and a resolve to have a series of vast reforms
in place in the next 100 days. Had it become apparent that nothing was going to
happen two weeks after FDR’s inaugural address, then he would have been known as
America’s final (and briefest) president, and his speech, if it was remembered
at all, would go down along side those of the mogul who thought television was a
dumb idea, or that men would never go to the moon.
The problem here is that of timing. We don’t have a fresh new president.
Instead, we have the lamest of lame ducks, a man who, on the best day he ever
had, was immensely incompetent and viciously dishonest. We don’t have a resolute
new Congress, ready to roll up its sleeves and save the nation. Instead, we have
the least popular congress in polling history, and they want to do nothing more
than roll up their sleeves and go home and campaign, telling the folks they’re
taking care of business and so they ought to be re-elected.
If Obama hasn’t taken a very assertive stance, at least he managed to avoid
making a complete fool of himself the way McCain did when he described the
economy as “strong” even as the markets panicked and the U.S. Secretary of the
Treasury was warning Congressional leaders that the whole thing was about to
collapse. That got him some well-deserved mocking, and he promptly dropped eight
points in the polls. Even worse, he had an article appear in Contingencies, the
magazine for American Actuaries, which included the following most unfortunate
passage: “Opening up the health insurance market to more vigorous nationwide
competition, as we have done over the last decade in banking, would provide more
choices of innovative products less burdened by the worst excesses of
state-based regulation.” In fairness, he had to have written that at least four
months earlier, but it’s a bit like going to a venture capitalist with a
business model based on Enron’s two days after it goes bankrupt. Even Herbert
Hoover at his darkest moments avoided that kind of bad luck.
This isn’t March 1933; this is more like November, 1932, when things were
beginning to really disintegrate in earnest, and the president, while brighter
and better intentioned then the present incumbent, could only flutter his hands
helplessly and take bad advice from his cabinet, who believed that tight credit
and laissez faire economics – the main things that got America into that mess –
would surely get it out of that mess. The Congress was much like the Congress we
have today, filled with complacent old hacks with a sense of entitlement and a
willingness to please the people who funded them first and their constituents
later, if there was time.
So the huge boom is the same type of unreasoning hysteria and fear that drove
the crashes earlier in the month. It’s the hysterical relief of the three year
old clinging to a parent’s leg. Don’t trust it.
It’s possible that, in the space of a few days, Congress and the admin can come
up with a bail-out plan that isn’t so patently absurd that Wall Street can at
least pretend it’s a life buoy. Chances are it will cost us at least a trillion
dollars (about $3,000 per person in the US) and for Wall Street to buy it, it
probably won’t contain any real reform. We’ll just be in the position of
covering the gambling losses of rich men so they don’t leave the table. Keep in
mind, two, that the Putsch Junta has a long and inglorious history of
opportunistic “disaster capitalism”, turning 9/11, the Iraq occupation and
Katrina into money-making opportunities for their buddies. Why should they treat
this any differently?
Left unmentioned is whether the plan will just protect the banksters that made
the bad loans, or do something for the people who got suckered into taking out
those loans and stand to lose their houses. There’s a good chance the people
won’t be helped, since Wall Street still hasn’t figured out that in a consumer
economy, you need consumers who aren’t destitute.
The GOP is in denial, too. Drudge tore a factoid off the GOP fax machine and
posted the chipper, happy news : ‘DOW ENDS WEEK DOWN 34 POINTS; DOW UP 40 POINTS
IN PAST MONTH... UP 18% PAST 5 YEARS... UP 44% PAST 10 YEARS...” All of which is
true, of course, but doesn’t describe a patient so healthy that it’s now safe to
vote for the GOP again. (The subtext in all that was interesting, to say the
least).
There’s already a lot of public fury over the ongoing bailouts, now racing
toward the two trillion mark. At 3% interest, that’s an extra twenty billion a
year on the annual deficit, in addition to the vast amounts of Republican debt
(10% of which came from the last huge bailout of banksters, the RTC in the wake
of the savings-and-loan fiasco). People aren’t interested in covering the losses
of people who turn around, sneer, cheat them again, and then use the profits to
buy out government and the courts to feather their own nests even more.
There’s a technical term for the tipping point on that situation: it’s called a
revolution. And those cost even more than bailouts of greedy, stupid, thieving
Wall Street plutocrats.
For now, an economic crash, while not inevitable, has not been forestalled, and
given the inability of the present government, we’ll have to wait a good five
months for anything concrete to happen, let alone anything that might help us
rather than hurt us. Whether the incredibly corrupt capitalists’ system that the
GOP has brought on America can last that long is problematical.
So don’t relax just yet. Just because the government has admitted there’s a big
scary thing under your bed doesn’t mean they know how to make it go away. Or
that they even want to.
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